The movement for woman suffrage is much older than is generally supposed. We are accustomed to regard it as a recent thing, but its inception, like that of most modern revolutionary movements, dates back to the great ferment that stirred the Western world towards the end of the 18th century, and in France exploded in the Revolution. Its birthplace is claimed by the United States, where votes for women were demanded when the Constitution was drawn up in 1787. The demand was not conceded by the Federal Government, but each State was left free to settle the question for itself. The agitation then set on foot has been continued more or less actively ever since, and in an organized form since 1848, when a convention was held at Seneca Falls. Its success has hitherto been small, less even than that of the State prohibition (liquor) movement, with which it has been to some extent associated. Four States only have granted the suffrage, and they are sparsely populated. The first was Wyoming, which became a State in 1890, but had adopted female suffrage in 1869, when a Territory. Colorado followed in 1893: Utah and Idaho in 1896. There has been no further extension, and in recent years a strong opposition has arisen, of which more will be said presently.
IN ENGLAND.
In this country the movement has had a parallel history. The pioneer was Mary Wollstonecraft, whose "Vindications of the Rights of Women" appeared in 1792. In the first quarter of the 19th century some of the early English Socialist writers took up the political position of women as part of their propaganda; and in 1832, when the Reform Bill limited the franchise to "male persons," the first petition on the question was presented to Parliament by Mary Smith, praying for the extension of the franchise to spinsters possessed of the necessary qualifications. In 1847 a petition was presented to the House of Lords by Lord Carlisle. The movement became organized in 1866 under the leadership of John Stuart Mill, who presented the third petition to Parliament. Woman suffrage societies were formed, and in 1867 he brought the question definitely before the House of Commons by an amendment to the Household Suffrage Bill, proposing the inclusion of women. After that there is a continuous history of memorials, petitions, Bills, and resolutions in the House of Commons. We do not pretend to give a detailed history, but may record that Woman Suffrage Bills passed the second reading in 1870, 1886, and 1897, and in 1904 a resolution introduced by Sir Charles McLaren was passed. As for meetings, processions, demonstrations, and so forth, they were too numerous to be counted. The actual result achieved so far in Great Britain, apart from the abortive voting successes in the House of Commons and much promise of support from politicians, is the franchise for the House of Keys in the Isle of Man, which was granted in 1881. It is not generally known that women possess the suffrage in this independent unit of the British Isles. Such, in brief, has been the course of the movement during its previous history. Before proceeding to the present situation, it may be interesting to state the position of woman suffrage in other countries.
OTHER COUNTRIES.
The movement has long been international, and in some countries it has been completely successful. The most conspicuous of these is Australasia, the home of political and social experiments. Woman suffrage is now universal there. Organized agitation is of much more recent date in Australia and New Zealand than in England and America, but the younger communities are more ready to try experiments and adopt political changes, perhaps because people are too busy with other matters to resist agitation. New Zealand led the way by granting full suffrage to women in 1893. South Australia followed in 1894; Western Australia in 1900; Tasmania in 1903; Queensland in 1905; and Victoria in 1908. There was more hesitation in Victoria than in any other Australian State. The proposal was first made there in 1873, and it took 35 years to carry it through. Nor has female suffrage been secured in any of the States without a struggle and some years of agitation. When the Commonwealth was formed, however, in 1901, there was little difficulty. The public had already grown accustomed to the novelty in several of the provincial Parliaments and votes were granted to women by the Federal Government in 1902. Women are thus completely enfranchised throughout the Australasian Dominions.
The only European countries which have reached the same position are Finland where female suffrage was secured in 1906, and Norway, which followed in the same year. Elsewhere the prospects seem most favourable in some of the smaller States, such as Holland and Denmark; but the movement is being carried on with varying degrees of activity and hopefulness in every country, and is encouraged by progress in securing votes for municipal and other local elections and entrance to administrative bodies. In Germany the agitation is quite recent and the prospects are unfavourable, but the strong movement for the general emancipation of women, which has set in of late years, may produce a rapid change in the situation. In France, too, the cause is weak, though it has been longer active and has made some progress.
PRESENT STATE OF THE MOVEMENT.
It might appear from some accounts of the movement in this country that it is marching on from strength to strength towards certain victory in the near future. If noise were strength, and if extending organization and growing numbers were the only criterion, that view would be justified. The suffrage societies have become very numerous. We gather from a pamphlet published by the Men's League for Women's Suffrage that there are ten different central organizations, primarily formed to promote the cause independent of party; and that some of them represent a great number of local branches or affiliated societies. The oldest and largest of these is the National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies. It was formed in 1807, under the leadership of J. S. Mill, to unite the then existing local bodies which had been started in different towns. Last year it had over 200 societies affiliated to it. The number of members is not stated, but some of the affiliated societies have recently recorded a rapid increase of membership. The receipts of the Union in 1909 were ú3,385 and those of the affiliated societies were estimated to be between ú8,000 and ú10,000. The president is Mrs. Fawcett. Its policy is, as it has been from the first, constitutional agitation by means of petitions, promoting Bills, putting pressure on members of Parliament, and supporting candidates.
The organization next in importance is the National Women's Social and Political Union. It was started in 1906 as a militant body with the avowed purpose of adopting the tactics of the Irish Nationalists and making itself as great a nuisance as possible to the Government of the day. The leaders were stimulated to this course by disappointment at the lack of any result from the promises of politicians and by resentment at the snubbings administered to questioners by Cabinet Ministers. They have had the success of attracting all the notoriety that could be desired by innumerable escapades, conflicts with the police, going to gaol, refusing food, and other ingenious devices for giving trouble, of which the latest was an abortive attempt to nullify the Census. Besides these proceedings, which have provided the mob with much amusement and the lighter newspapers with piquant matter, the Union carries on an exceedingly active propaganda by other means. It runs a weekly newspaper called Votes for Women, holds meetings at the street corner, and places itself in the public eye constantly and with immense energy. In 1909-10 it commanded an income of ú33,000, but a good deal of that is believed to be made up of large subscriptions from a small number of well-to-do enthusiasts.
OPPOSITION MOVEMENT.
Whatever success the militant suffragist campaign has had in advancing the cause it has unquestionably stimulated opposition. It has converted an unknown number of persons who were sympathetic or neutral into positive opponents and has sharpened both the hostility and the weapons of old enemies. The public escapades of the ladies engaged in it have deepened the impression where it already existed, that women are unfit to have a voice in government, and created it where it did not exist. Mr. Frederic Harrison has given expression, in his usual trenchant style, to a very widespread feeling:-
These vicious attacks upon friends, the indecency, the brutalities, the tricks, the lying, the unmanly and unwomanly devices of these displays, testify to a certain inherent unfitness of women to exercise political power. Nothing can justify girls who behave in public places like the street arabs of a fighting gang in the East-end.
Gentler critics, like Miss Octavia Hill, have been stirred to protest against the movement in quieter but more convincing tones: and organized opposition has made its appearance. In 1908 a Women's Anti-Suffrage League was formed. It was followed by a men's society with the same object. They are now amalgamated in the "National League for Opposing Women's Suffrage," which has 145 branches and headquarters in London.
It would not be fair to attribute the whole of the opposition movement to the militant suffragists. A similar movement has been going on and gathering strength in the United States for several years. One extremely interesting and instructive phase of it is a revulsion which has set in among suffragists themselves as the result of experience. This has happened in Colorado, where some of the most prominent leaders have become total converts against the female franchise. They say that it has produced no results at all, that they would gladly be rid of it, and if they were to begin over again they would not have it.
WOMAN SUFFRAGE IN PARLIAMENT.
In this very uncertain and conflicting state of opinion a new attempt is about to be made to secure legislation. Sir George Kemp will today bring forward in the House of Commons his Bill for the enfranchisement of women. It is not the same as the so-called "Conciliation Bill," which was introduced last year by Mr. Shackleton and passed the second reading by a majority of 109. The effect of that measure would be practically to extend the present franchise to women on the same terms as men. The new proposal does not go so far. It would only confer votes on women possessed of a household qualification. Another difference is that whereas the Conciliation Bill allowed a married woman to have a vote in the same constituency as her husband, provided that it was not on account of the same property, Sir George Kemp's Bill would not give votes to both husband and wife in the same constituency. It is not easy to see the intention of these modifications, but it appears that as the suffragist campaign waxes in violence the measures for realizing its object become milder by an inverse process. Whatever the details of the measure, the principle of equality of sex in political action is equally involved.
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