TIME: Almanac 1990s

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<text id=90TT0497> <title> Feb. 26, 1990: A Hero's Triumphant Homecoming </title> <history> TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1990 Feb. 26, 1990 Predator's Fall </history> <article> <source>Time Magazine</source> <hdr> WORLD, Page 26 SOUTH AFRICA A Hero's Triumphant Homecoming </hdr> <body> The streets are alive as Mandela steps back into the political battle By Jill Smolowe--Reported by Scott MacLeod/Soweto Hero. Unifier. Healer. Savior. Could any one man--let alone one who has been cut off from the flow of daily life for more than 27 years--live up to such billing? Nelson Mandela did not disappoint last week as he walked out of 10,000 days in prison right into the thick of South African politics. He seemed a man for all seasons. The revolutionary man: "The factors which necessitated the armed struggle still exist today." The public servant: "I stand here before you not as a prophet, but as a humble servant of you, the people." The organization man: "I am a loyal and disciplined member of the African National Congress." The conciliator: "[State President F.W.] de Klerk himself is a man of integrity." And, yes, just the man: "I must confess, I am unable to describe my emotions." With commanding dignity and self-confidence, Mandela returned to South African life last week and by his very presence changed the country's political landscape. No longer were questions of South Africa's future hung up on the issue of Mandela's release. Now, all parties could begin the still more difficult task of establishing a new political system. For Mandela, shoved in front of international cameras before his eyes could even adjust to the glare of a world he has not seen since 1962, the challenge will be to unite the fractious and sometimes violent elements of the black community beneath a common banner. For De Klerk, the no less daunting challenge will be to face down assaults from the white community's right wing. In a strange way, the two men find themselves joined in a mutual dependence. The success, or failure, of each rests on the success, or failure, of the other. At the moment, the outlook is promising after so many years of political stalemate. In a major breakthrough, the A.N.C.'s national executive committee announced late in the week, from its base of exile in the Zambian capital of Lusaka, that it will send a delegation to South Africa to begin talks with De Klerk. The date is not yet fixed, but when the meeting takes place it will be the first such consultation ever between representatives of the exiled guerrilla leaders and the government. The A.N.C. also said it was prepared to negotiate "a suspension of hostilities" as soon as its remaining preconditions are met, which include a lifting of the state of emergency and the release of all remaining political prisoners. Two weeks ago, De Klerk signaled he was prepared to discuss both issues if calm prevails. During last week's welcome-home celebrations, two people were known to have died. Through the week, Mandela demonstrated an acute sensitivity to the many different audiences he now has to satisfy. Inevitably, his every word was scrutinized, and each pronouncement he made brought both cheers and catcalls. His initial speech on the steps of Cape Town's city hall seemed designed to signal that years of imprisonment had not taken the fight out of Mandela. "Now is the time to intensify the struggle," he exhorted. While he also stated that "there may no longer be the need for the armed struggle," his words alarmed some whites, who were particularly discomfited by Mandela's calls for the nationalization of companies, his appeal for continued Western sanctions and his effusive salute to the South African Communist Party. But two days later, in his speech before an overexcited crowd in Soweto, Mandela adopted a markedly different tone, stressing reconciliation and discipline. "I must make it clear that the level of crime in our township is unhealthy and must be eliminated as a matter of urgency," he chided his black audience. Mandela denounced those who "use violence against our people," demanded that black students return to the classroom and reminded militants that he and the A.N.C. are "as opposed to black domination as we are to white domination." He sought to heal oozing wounds in the black community by reaching out to those "who out of ignorance have collaborated with apartheid in the past." And he spoke unyieldingly on the issues that most anger blacks: substandard schools, poor housing, inadequate wages and their continued lack of a vote. While his rhetoric was forceful, Mandela signaled that he was a magnanimous and reasonable man with whom the government could talk. He went out of his way to make conciliatory gestures toward the skittish white community, asserting, "Whites are fellow South Africans, and we want them to feel safe." In Soweto he called unequivocally for "one person, one vote." But when asked whether the A.N.C. might be willing to ease that demand, he responded, "Compromises must be made in respect to every issue." Earlier, speaking directly to white fears and concerns, Mandela noted, "They insist on structural guarantees to ensure that the realization of this demand does not result in the domination of whites by blacks. We understand those feelings." It remains unclear whether the talks between the government and the A.N.C. will begin before or after Mandela flies to Lusaka this week to confer with the organization's leaders. Negotiations may be further delayed if Mandela decides to make a world tour, meeting with the ailing A.N.C. President Oliver Tambo in Stockholm, visiting A.N.C. guerrilla camps in Tanzania and perhaps accepting invitations from President George Bush and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher to visit their countries. The various delays may irritate the De Klerk government, which must now be eager for negotiations to get under way. De Klerk must move quickly to convince white voters that Mandela's release holds the promise of compromise, and not greater chaos. In particular, he hopes that with Mandela's help, the final obstacles to lifting the state of emergency and releasing political prisoners can be ironed out. From there, De Klerk expects to proceed to formal negotiations on a new constitution, a strategy that could pay off handsomely--or become a political swamp. The government so far is minimizing criticism of Mandela. While officials characterized his remarks about "armed struggle" as "unhelpful," the dominant refrain was cautious encouragement. Minister of Constitutional Development and Planning Gerrit Viljoen said Mandela's overture to the white community "bodes well for the possibility of a frank and reasonable discussion." Viljoen noted that both he and Mandela agreed that the main task of negotiations would be to reconcile black demands for one person, one vote with white fears about black domination, but he cautioned, "You must not be too impatient." Pressure on De Klerk is likely to remain strong. Supporters regard him as a bold innovator of the stripe of Mikhail Gorbachev, but white detractors say De Klerk is unleashing forces he cannot control. Ultraright-wing militants are already gearing for battle. Last week the Conservative Party, made up of right-wingers who eight years ago broke away from the ruling National Party because they considered it too conciliatory, brought treason charges against Mandela and two other antiapartheid leaders and demanded that they be investigated. A protest march in Pretoria drew 15,000 right-wingers. The Conservatives also organized a week of anti-Mandela rallies and threatened strikes to force De Klerk from office. "I am not proclaiming an armed struggle," thundered party leader Andries Treurnicht. "But if a government does not protect the rights of its people, what can be expected but that the volk will protect itself." The difficulty for both Mandela and De Klerk will be to keep their critics at bay as they speed toward negotiations. In the euphoria over Mandela's release, expectations threaten to run unreasonably high and trigger a disappointment that will result in violence. Even once all parties come to the table, no road map exists for South Africa's future. No one has put forward a formula that satisfactorily reconciles black demands for one person, one vote with white fears of being dominated--or tyrannized--by a black majority. As for Mandela, the burden of his legend seems almost more than any one man can bear. A study in dignity, intelligence and unflappability, he is showing amazing grace as he moves from his symbolic role as a political prisoner to the more demanding one of a political activist. His challenge will become still tougher if he begins negotiating some kind of political compromise. "No individual leader is able to take on these enormous tasks on his own," he reminded listeners last week. The question is whether Mandela's children and grandchildren will be as magnanimous--and patient--as the elder statesman. </body> </article> </text>