home
***
CD-ROM
|
disk
|
FTP
|
other
***
search
/
TIME: Almanac 1990s
/
Time_Almanac_1990s_SoftKey_1994.iso
/
time
/
031990
/
0319008.000
< prev
next >
Wrap
Text File
|
1994-03-25
|
6KB
|
118 lines
<text id=90TT0669>
<title>
Mar. 19, 1990: Nicaragua:You First--No, You First
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1990
Mar. 19, 1990 The Right To Die
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
WORLD, Page 29
NICARAGUA
You First--No, You First
</hdr>
<body>
<p>The contras and the Sandinistas resist demobilization, saddling
President-elect Chamorro with two unyielding armies
</p>
<p> Nicaragua's civil war is supposed to be over. But contra
commander Ciguena, as he calls himself, is in no rush to return
to the civilian life he abandoned eight years ago to take up
arms against the Sandinistas. As he sat beneath a tree in the
dusty backwater village of San Marcos in northern Nicaragua
last week, Ciguena, 25, explained that he supports Violeta
Chamorro, whose National Opposition Union (U.N.O.) defeated the
Sandinistas at the polls two weeks ago. But Chamorro has called
on the contras to disband, and Ciguena doubts that she can
function as President without him and his fellow fighters. "The
Sandinistas," Ciguena warns, "are very treacherous. If we turn
in our arms now, they'll finish us off and go after Dona
Violeta. It's the Sandinistas that must disarm."
</p>
<p> Daniel Ortega Saavedra could not disagree more. "If we don't
want the storm of civil war and insurrection to sweep us away,
then the contras must disarm," he said last week. While
initially gracious in defeat, the Sandinista leader has since
turned recalcitrant. Besides demanding that the contras
demobilize immediately, Ortega & Co. have publicly insisted on
the Sandinistas' retaining control of the 70,000-member army
and the Interior Ministry even after the new government is sworn
in April 25. In its last days, the defeated regime is also
moving to enact sweeping laws that would turn public property
over to Sandinista officials and give immunity for all
unprosecuted crimes committed since their revolution in 1979.
As the contras and Sandinistas trade belligerences,
President-elect Chamorro is caught in the middle, facing the
unenviable prospect of becoming a commander in chief saddled
with two armies, neither of which takes orders from her.
</p>
<p> Still, the situation may not be as grim as it appears, given
that both the contras and the Sandinistas are posturing,
inflating their obstinacy in an effort to gain leverage. Ortega
and his colleagues are seeking to secure as much power as
possible in their role as the opposition in the new legislative
assembly, where they will be the single largest party,
controlling 39 of the 94 seats. The contras, for their part,
want assurances that they will not be wiped out by the still
armed Sandinista military once they agree to give up the fight
and surrender their weapons.
</p>
<p> In part because of pressure from the Bush Administration,
which is concerned that Chamorro's inauguration may be derailed
by the contras' intransigence, the rebel leaders are trying to
appear reasonable. They have said they are willing to dismantle
their forces, and though they talk of the need to
"demilitarize" Nicaragua, they have dropped their initial
condition that the Sandinista People's Army disarm
simultaneously. Insists the group's chief negotiator, Oscar
Sobalvarro: "The only thing that interests our people is to be
able to go back without reprisals."
</p>
<p> In a sprawling bungalow in the Honduran capital of
Tegucigalpa last week, the contras opened discussions on the
terms of their disengagement with representatives of the U.N.O.
and the Roman Catholic Church. Honduras is the grudging host
to some 10,000 contra troops; up to 4,000 other fighters
operate in Nicaragua. The contras' concern for their safety was
heightened last week when fighting between Sandinista soldiers
and rebels broke out in central and northern Nicaragua; each
side accuses the other of provoking the conflict.
</p>
<p> Fears of Sandinista reprisals were reinforced by reports
that since the election, the movement's activists have been
harassing U.N.O. supporters, issuing death threats and stoning
houses. At the same time, the Sandinistas have admitted to
handing out truckloads of assault rifles and ammunition to
civilians, ostensibly so that they can protect themselves from
rebel attacks.
</p>
<p> The contras will also require economic assistance if they
are going to reintegrate successfully into society. After ten
years in the mountains, the older guerrillas, many of whom were
farmers, have lost the land they once tilled. The younger
fighters know nothing but war, and must be trained for civilian
jobs.
</p>
<p> The Sandinista army may prove to be the bigger headache for
the incoming Chamorro administration. Despite an increase in
conscript desertions since the elections, the army's
15,000-strong professional core remains well disciplined and
loyal to the Sandinistas. Chamorro has vowed to abolish the
draft and reduce the size of the military. Luis Humberto
Guzman, a member of U.N.O.'s senior advisory board, has said
that military spending should not exceed 15% of the budget.
Under Ortega, defense expenditures totaled 50% of the budget.
For that reason alone, demobilization of both armies makes
sense if Nicaragua is going to rebuild itself.
</p>
<p>By Lisa Beyer. Reported by Jan Howard/Managua and Wilson Ring/
Tegucigalpa.
</p>
</body>
</article>
</text>