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<text id=94TT0550>
<title>
Mar. 28, 1994: A Hint of Spring in The Balkan Tangle
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1994
Mar. 28, 1994 Doomed:The Regal Tiger and Extinction
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
BOSNIA, Page 36
A Hint of Spring in The Balkan Tangle
</hdr>
<body>
<p>In a negotiating flurry, the factions have produced a federation
plan and an easing of the Sarajevo siege
</p>
<p>By Bruce W. Nelan--Reported by James L. Graff/Vienna, John Kohan/Moscow and J.F.O.
McAllister/Washington
</p>
<p> Hundreds of pale, war-fatigued Sarajevans turned out to cheer
when their familiar red streetcars went back into service. Their
daily lives had long been framed by falling shells, and the
friendly clanging of the trams sounded like a hint of peace,
a bit of normality now that a NATO ultimatum had silenced the
Serbian siege guns. The streetcars must have carried the same
symbolism to Serb soldiers staring down from the hills around
the city: last week a sniper fired into one of the jammed cars
and wounded a passenger, and 12 people were killed elsewhere
in the city.
</p>
<p> By any standard, this is not a peace or even the cease-fire
Serbs and Muslims agreed to in Sarajevo on Feb. 10. Nevertheless,
the combatants may have taken the first serious steps in a Bosnian
peace process last week. Diplomats began talking hopefully about
finding an end to the 23-month war in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The complementary pressures of Washington and Moscow appeared
to be nudging their respective clients toward accommodation.
A tide seemed to be turning as zeal for warfare ebbed and attention
flowed toward crafting a negotiated settlement.
</p>
<p> Last week every faction was talking to someone. In Sarajevo
the Bosnian government and Serb rebels agreed to open some roads
to civilian traffic in and out of the city. In Belgrade Serbs
and Croats announced that they would begin negotiating a formal
settlement of the war they fought in Croatia in 1991, which
left almost a quarter of Croatia in Serbian hands.
</p>
<p> In Washington Bosnian and Croatian leaders signed two documents
to establish a Bosnian federation and link it to Croatia. Real
peace in Bosnia, said Secretary of State Warren Christopher,
is "a ways down the road," but he hoped these pacts would "provide
the basis for a larger political settlement, which must also
include the Bosnian Serbs."
</p>
<p> The federation agreement is both complex and incomplete. It
provides for a merger of the Croat and Muslim areas of Bosnia
under a strong central government and for a system of cantons
with their own legislatures and courts. Bosnia's President,
Alija Izetbegovic, and Croatia's Franjo Tudjman thought enough
of the plan to fly to Washington to sign the papers linking
their two countries. But what the arrangement does not cover
is almost as important: the Serbs and the 72% of the territory
of Bosnia and Herzegovina they occupy.
</p>
<p> President Bill Clinton, looking pleased at having some good
news to report, presided over the ceremony and found it "a moment
of hope." His flowing phrases and lavish praise for a host of
negotiators ended with a quote from a 19th century Balkan poet,
Ivan Jukic, who wrote, "Only those are heroes who know how to
live with their brothers." Like Christopher, Clinton hoped "the
Serbs will join in this effort for a wider peace. We invite
them and urge them to do so." Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic
shrugged, saying Croats and Muslims can "decide the way they
want to live" as long as it is not a threat to the Serbs. Momcilo
Krajisnik, head of the Bosnian Serb legislature, dismissed the
federation as "an unnatural creation" that would not work.
</p>
<p> It certainly faces serious obstacles. Izetbegovic wants a federation
of Muslims and Croats encompassing at least half of Bosnia,
which means the Serbs would have to relinquish a fair share
of their holdings. Several areas Izetbegovic most insistently
wants back lie along the Drina River near the border with Serbia,
a region the Serbs have swept with ruthless "ethnic cleansing"
and are determined to keep.
</p>
<p> While the U.S. has been prodding the Bosnian Croats and Muslims
toward agreement, Moscow has been working on the Serbs. Russia's
special envoy Vitali Churkin went to Belgrade to urge Serbian
President Slobodan Milosevic to look carefully at the Muslim-Croat
federation. Churkin said he found Milosevic "flexible and constructive."
That may be because the Serb leader is feeling the pinch of
U.N.-enforced economic sanctions -- more than half the work
force is effectively unemployed -- and fearful that Croatia,
no longer preoccupied with Bosnia, might divert its armed forces
to the Krajina front.
</p>
<p> Even if he finds a deal he can accept, Milosevic will have to
lean on Bosnian Serbs, especially militia leaders, who view
the Muslim-Croat plan as nothing more than an alliance uniting
the Serbs' enemies. Rather than join a federation tied to Croatia,
the Bosnian Serbs are far more likely to hold out for a republic
of their own with links to Serbia -- Greater Serbia in effect,
if not in name.
</p>
<p> Although skepticism is still in order, a senior official in
Washington called the week's developments "a visible sign of
momentum." He referred not only to the negotiations but also
to the U.N.-brokered arrangement to open roads and bridges in
Sarajevo beginning this week. The deal is wrapped tightly in
cumbersome conditions. Both the Bosnian government and the Serbs
encircling Sarajevo will have to approve -- or veto -- each
traveler's plans in advance. Vehicles must have a U.N. escort.
Military movement on the roads is banned and so are commercial
trucks, leaving the city still dependent on U.N. humanitarian
shipments. Still, it does provide the first chance in almost
two years for ordinary Sarajevans to leave the city and travel
to other parts of the country. In spite of occasional sniper
fire, they have already seized on the cease-fire's relative
quiet to go out, shop, relax in parks and cafes.
</p>
<p> Some Bosnians fear that the opening of a few exit doors will
advance Serb plans to partition the capital rather than reunite
it. They believe the Serbs may "cleanse" their areas by allowing
only Muslims to leave, and vice versa. The result could be a
factional rearrangement of the multiethnic city. U.N. officials
admit that this kind of hardening of the Muslim-Serb lines is
a possibility. Says one: "There is nothing in the agreement
about reunifying the city."
</p>
<p> The international focus is on keeping up the diplomatic pace.
American envoy Charles Redman plans to sit down with Bosnian
and Croat leaders to decide how much territory they will ask
the Serbs to cede and what relationship the Serbs will have
with their motherland. The Bosnian Serbs have been backing away
from their previous willingness to hand over enough land to
provide the Muslims and Croats with 50% of the country.
</p>
<p> It will be difficult for anyone to uproot Serb warlords from
the areas they now control or to open the way for former Muslim
residents to return. The U.S. and its allies are still unwilling
to use force, despite the apparent success of their ultimatum
to halt the shelling of Sarajevo and their attack on four Serbian
aircraft earlier this month. Moscow is pushing the Serbs, but
it may not be willing to shove. "I have carrots for everybody,"
said Russia's Churkin last week. "I don't use sticks." At best,
the Bosnians may someday get back half of their country. They
will also have lost half of it.
</p>
</body>
</article>
</text>