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- <text id=90TT0810>
- <title>
- Apr. 02, 1990: The Neoliberal Blues
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1990
- Apr. 02, 1990 Nixon Memoirs
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- NATION, Page 21
- The Neoliberal Blues
- </hdr>
- <body>
- <p>Democrats look for a new theme song--and for someone to sing
- it
- </p>
- <p>By Margaret Carlson/New Orleans
- </p>
- <p> Dynamic capitalism, flexible specialization, individual
- development accounts, public investment strategies--was a
- meeting of accountants under way? No, it was a gathering of the
- country's top Democrats trying to sound fiscally responsible,
- tough-minded and pragmatic, to sound, in fact, a lot like
- Republicans.
- </p>
- <p> The vision thing? The G.O.P. has the luxury of wondering out
- loud about it. When Democrats search for an overarching
- philosophy, they seem too dreamy-eyed. The last time liberals
- had vision--the Great Society, the War on Poverty--things
- didn't work out so well. Candidates like George McGovern,
- Walter Mondale and Michael Dukakis failed disastrously.
- Harvard's Robert Reich, author of The Resurgent Liberal, says,
- "I'm sure there are six liberals left in the country, but even
- I don't know who they are."
- </p>
- <p> Those last six were hard to find in New Orleans last week
- at a meeting of the Democratic Leadership Council, the
- organization founded after Walter Mondale's 1984 defeat to make
- sure that a liberal would never get another chance to blow 49
- states in a presidential election. Guided by "neoliberals" like
- Senators Sam Nunn and Chuck Robb, armed with a raft of fiscally
- responsible Mr. Goodwrench programs, the D.L.C. is dedicated
- to yanking the party back to the middle. But neo, the prefix
- that was supposed to make liberalism safe for Democrats again,
- has instead made them boring. If a liberal is someone with his
- feet firmly planted in the air, a neo-liberal is the deadweight
- tethering him to the ground. Problems liberals were accused
- of throwing money at--like poverty, homelessness, urban decay
- and the underclass--have given way to two-hour symposiums on
- "New Strategies for Economic Security: Developing America's
- Human Capital."
- </p>
- <p> The main goal of the D.L.C.'s strategy was on everyone's
- mind but on no one's formal agenda: to regain the White House,
- which means winning back the Southern white males who deserted
- the party in 1984. What better way to increase the comfort
- level of Southern white males than with other Southern white
- males? Nunn and Robb, Senators Lloyd Bentsen and John Breaux
- and Arkansas Governor Bill Clinton are the D.L.C.'s stars.
- Dizzy with turning points, raw with fresh starts, wide-awake
- with new days dawning, their new Democratic Party has blotted
- out the L word with the M word: mainstream. That is D.L.C. code
- for letting the constituency it wants to woo know that the
- constituency it used to depend on--feminists, gays, blacks
- and Big Labor--has lost influence.
- </p>
- <p> The strategy backfired in 1988 when Michael Dukakis, one of
- the six remaining liberals in the country, won the nomination.
- Although he learned to appreciate Swedish land-use planning at
- the Kennedy School, Dukakis was still a Massachusetts Democrat,
- the worst kind. The dreaded epithet "liberal" stuck no matter
- how many times he parried with "competent."
- </p>
- <p> That label won't stick on "mainstream" Clinton. Comfortable
- being whisked off in a limousine in the evening to Antoine's
- by lobbyists for RJR Nabisco, the quintessential symbol of
- 1980s corporate greed, he can then preach Democratic values in
- the morning. Clinton is the perfect front man for an
- organization that celebrates the work ethic of the common man
- while relying almost entirely on the Fortune 500 for operating
- funds. Although Clinton has recovered from his stupefyingly
- long prime-time address at the 1988 convention, he is still a
- techno-Democrat, one of a dozen or so who in the absence of
- political poetry rattle off strategies for a postindustrial,
- sacrifice-free America.
- </p>
- <p> Political analyst William Schneider predicts that Democrats
- "won't stop talking about schemes until they come up with a
- theme and find someone who can make music." The only Democrat
- who can carry a tune is Mario Cuomo, but he is too liberal to
- pass the D.L.C. entrance exam, and since his inspiring "City
- on the Hill" speech at the 1984 convention, he has been
- reluctant to sing before a national audience. D.L.C. stalwarts
- like Bentsen, Al Gore and Robb have tin ears. Nunn's libretto--defense and national-security policy--seems increasingly
- irrelevant for a world rushing toward peace. The current
- season's high-decibel speaker, House majority leader Richard
- Gephardt, seems too opportunistic as he screeches out a
- hard-rock message of economic nationalism and a Free Enterprise
- Corps while bashing Bush for timidity. Bill Bradley is the
- party's rap star, tapping out his proposals for Third World
- debt, tax-code overhaul and international monetary reform in
- monotone.
- </p>
- <p> Jesse Jackson, a D.L.C. pariah, was invited to speak this
- year. His hymnbook has been anathema to this crowd (whom he
- once branded "Democrats for the leisure class"), but their plan
- to stop Jackson on Super Tuesday in 1988 failed so miserably
- that they may have to face the prospect of Jackson preaching
- to a crossover audience. In the meantime, with its teeny, tiny
- programs designed to assure voters that Democrats are as
- committed to life, liberty and the pursuit of an upwardly
- mobile life-style as Republicans, the D.L.C. is rewriting the
- lyrics of the 1960s song: "Ask not what you can do for your
- country but what educational vouchers, economic nationalism and
- savings incentives can do for you."
- </p>
-
- </body>
- </article>
- </text>
-
-