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<text id=89TT1657>
<title>
June 26, 1989: Diplomacy:"Gorbi! Gorbi! Gorbi!"
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1989
June 26, 1989 Kevin Costner:The New American Hero
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
WORLD, Page 38
DIPLOMACY
"Gorbi! Gorbi! Gorbi!"
</hdr><body>
<p>In Bonn, the Soviet leader envisions "a common European home"
</p>
<p> Not since John F. Kennedy arrived to denounce the Berlin Wall
in 1963 have West Germans lavished such adulation on a foreign
visitor as they did last week on Soviet President Mikhail
Gorbachev. But the messages left by the two travelers, their visits
separated by 26 years of history, were nearly as disparate as the
directions from which they arrived. Whereas Kennedy's aim was to
spread a message of resolve at the very height of the cold war, the
Soviet leader proclaimed a new era in which East and West could
peacefully share their common continent.
</p>
<p> Everywhere he went, Gorbachev and his wife Raisa were besieged
by cheering and excited crowds chanting, "Gorbi! Gorbi! Gorbi!"
Chancellor Helmut Kohl, who faces a tough campaign for re-election
in 1990, made seven appearances with his visitor, hoping, perhaps,
to absorb some of the generous warmth. Gorbachev's popularity
rating among West German voters is considerably higher than Kohl's;
a poll taken for the weekly Der Spiegel in early June gave
Gorbachev a score of +2.2 on a scale of +5 to -5, compared with
-0.6 for Kohl.
</p>
<p> The most concrete accomplishment of the four-day visit was a
joint declaration committing both countries to "overcoming the
division of Europe" and sharing "a common European home." The
wording of the first point was crucial to the West Germans, who
hope that someday one of the divisions to give way will be the
separation of the two Germanys. The second is Gorbachev's
formulation for placing the Soviet Union in the European
mainstream.
</p>
<p> In addition, both countries endorsed "the right of peoples to
self-determination." For the Soviets that code phrase amounted to
a virtual renunciation of the so-called Brezhnev Doctrine, the
justification for the invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968. Joked
Soviet Foreign Ministry spokesman Gennadi Gerasimov: "Now we have
the Frank Sinatra doctrine -- let them do it their way."
</p>
<p> The two sides also signed eleven other agreements, all
involving trade. Commerce between the two countries, which fell 36%
from its peak in 1984 to a total of $8 billion last year, has
lately begun to pick up again. Gorbachev was especially taken with
demonstrations of the high-tech wizardry that abounds in West
German industry. In one factory a robot poured glasses of a local
wine for a toast with Baden-Wurttemberg Minister President Lother
Spath. Gorbachev repeatedly encouraged West German industrialists
to participate in joint ventures in the Soviet Union. Said he:
"Those who look ahead and take calculated risks are doing the right
thing."
</p>
<p> At a news conference shortly before he left, Gorbachev
responded somewhat evasively to a question about the Berlin Wall,
calling it "no great problem." He repeated the standard East German
position that the Wall could be torn down when the conditions that
created it have disappeared. But even if Gorbachev were open to
discussion on that matter, he would face certain resistance from
East Germany, which opposes most of his liberal reforms. One
measure of Gorbachev's standing in East Berlin: press coverage of
his trip was consistently minimal.
</p>
</body></article>
</text>