home
***
CD-ROM
|
disk
|
FTP
|
other
***
search
/
TIME: Almanac 1990s
/
Time_Almanac_1990s_SoftKey_1994.iso
/
time
/
070990
/
0709020.000
< prev
next >
Wrap
Text File
|
1994-03-25
|
6KB
|
136 lines
<text id=90TT1769>
<title>
July 09, 1990: Rigmarole
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1990
July 09, 1990 Abortion's Most Wrenching Questions
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
GERMANY, Page 90
Rigmarole
</hdr>
<body>
<p>By Hans Magnus Enzensberger
</p>
<p>[Hans Magnus Enzensberger is a German poet, essayist and
free-lance writer who lives in Munich. His latest book in
English is Europe, Europe.]
</p>
<p> The world at large is not in the habit of regarding the
German question as a laughing matter. The pundits view it with
the utmost gravity; they can, of course, draw on abundant
evidence from the past to justify their alarm. It is not for
me to quarrel with their pronouncements, but what they fail to
see is the ludicrous side of German events. I should like to
redress the balance. Granted that the opening of the Berlin
Wall was a moment of high drama, but the consequences turned
into low comedy almost overnight.
</p>
<p> In itself, absurdity is hardly a newcomer on the German
political scene. For the better part of 30 years, unification
had been an article not of faith but of cant. Nobody took it
seriously, nobody believed in it, and in the West at least,
there was hardly anyone who really wanted it. One Chancellor
after another talked about it absentmindedly, rather like an
old lady reciting her Rosary, a performance that became even
more embarrassing when the red carpet was rolled out during
Erich Honecker's state visit in Bonn in 1987.
</p>
<p> As soon as ordinary people from Dresden and Potsdam, wearing
tennis shoes and loaded with plastic bags and perambulators,
were seen hobbling through the underbrush across the Hungarian
border in the fall of 1989, crowding embassies in Warsaw and
trains in Prague, there were raised eyebrows and mixed feelings
in Bonn and elsewhere. For there is nothing dearer to the heart
of responsible statesmen than stability. Yalta may have had
certain drawbacks, but it was an arrangement one had learned
to live with--and in the end any situation seemed acceptable
as long as it was "under control." Was it not a bit
inconsiderate on the part of all those Poles, Hungarians and
Czechs, of Charter 77 and all, to rock the boat? And now even
the placid, nondescript East Germans were taking to the
streets, without giving a thought to the delicate balance of
power prevailing in the Old World, to the problems of NATO, to
the risk involved in any sort of change.
</p>
<p> The nervous fiddling in Bonn was nothing compared with the
havoc wrought in East Berlin. In hindsight it is clear that the
fall of the Berlin Wall was due not to strategic planning, but
to a sudden loss of nerve. A single ambiguous sentence uttered
at a press conference, a mere slip of the tongue, was enough
to start an avalanche. The unification of Germany was set off
not by grand design but by a blunder.
</p>
<p> The political leaders on both sides were caught off guard.
While the "masses" did not lose a moment, organizing a sort of
national jumble sale, changing money, swapping rumors, pulling
down fences and repairing bridges, the statesmen scurried from
summit to summit, looking more and more nonplussed as they
poured forth a torrent of declarations, cautionary tales and
contingency plans.
</p>
<p> When they finally came round to understand that they were
faced with a fait accompli, they swallowed their misgivings and
tried to regain control. This turned out to be rather
difficult, for by now not only East Germany but half a
continent was out of hand. It would have taken a nimble man
indeed to handle a problem of such dimensions. Whatever else
may be said about Helmut Kohl, he is not known to have a light
foot.
</p>
<p> When he saw the night of revelry round the Brandenburg Gate
and the flag-waving crowds in Dresden, he decided that the time
was ripe for him to make History. Blinded by the vision of
enthusiastic voters carrying him on their shoulders, he decided
to forge ahead--never mind the bickering of the Poles, the
reluctance of the Soviets and the suspicions of the rest of the
world. Kohl was not to be ruffled by the specter of a Fourth
Reich evoked by foreign or domestic critics who accused him of
jingoism, and for a few weeks he enjoyed one historic moment
after another and put on more and more weight.
</p>
<p> But very soon the euphoria subsided and the outlook palled.
From the very start there had been portents that had escaped
the West German government's notice: a conspicuous absence of
rousing meetings in the streets of Frankfurt and Cologne, a
strange lack of passion, a suspicion of second thoughts. No
amount of force-feeding on the part of the media had managed
to intoxicate the West German populace. Faced with a flood of
newcomers from the East, it began to worry about the cost of
unity, about jobs, housing problems and rising interest rates.
In the opinion polls, more than two-thirds complained about the
excessive haste of unification.
</p>
<p> And such pedestrian sentiments were fully reciprocated by
a growing part of opinion in East Germany. Citizens there, used
to safe and easy jobs, subsidized rents and cheap food, began
to panic about the pitfalls of capitalism. They also resented
the idea that the fruits of 40 years' labor had proved to be
rotten and that East Germans would continue to be, for years
to come, the poor relatives of their Western counterparts.
</p>
<p> Irritation on both sides erupted in a bout of frenzied
haggling about the rate at which the flimsy East German
currency, popularly known as aluminum chips, would be exchanged
against the bullish deutsche mark. In the event, both sides
felt vaguely cheated. The day after an agreement was finally
signed, a Munich paper ran the headline, A NICE START: EAST
GERMAN GOVERNMENT SWINDLING US FOR 7.5 BILLION!
</p>
<p> It looks as if Kohl's Great Historic Moment has been rather
brief. A bit of schadenfreude may be in order, though the
entertainment value of our family squabble is in rapid decline.
The truth of the matter is that the Germans have acquired a
normality bordering on the tedious. They have become a nation
of successful shopkeepers, incapable of a greatness that the
world, in any case, is better off without.
</p>
</body>
</article>
</text>