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<text id=89TT2237>
<title>
Aug. 28, 1989: Poland:An Epochal Shift
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1989
The New USSR And Eastern Europe
Aug. 28, 1989 World War II:50th Anniversary
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
WORLD, Page 16
An Epochal Shift
</hdr>
<body>
<p>Communism yields as Wojciech Jaruzelski asks Solidarity to
head a government
</p>
<p>By Marguerite Johnson
</p>
<p> For months, Poland's Communist Party had been losing its
grip on power. Beset by strikes, debt ridden, repudiated by an
overwhelming majority of voters in elections in June, the
regime was drained of the ability to govern. After more than 40
years in power, the old order staggered toward its demise. And
yet the alternative seemed inconceivable. Never in Europe's
postwar history had a Communist government handed authority over
to a non-Communist opposition.
</p>
<p> Suddenly last week, the inconceivable happened. After a
spate of parliamentary maneuvering by the Solidarity
trade-union movement, President Wojciech Jaruzelski, who smashed
Solidarity in 1981 and interned its leader, Lech Walesa, along
with more than 6,000 other members, was forced to turn to his
foes to form a government. Jaruzelski asked Tadeusz Mazowiecki,
62, a Solidarity lawyer and journalist, to become the first
non-Communist Prime Minister in the Soviet bloc since 1948 and
to head up a ruling coalition.
</p>
<p> At week's end Walesa and Mazomet in Gdansk to plan their
next steps. At the same time, the Central Committee of the
Communist Party, officially known as the Polish United Workers'
Party, convened in Warsaw to discuss Jaruzelski's move. Poland's
official news agency, P.A.P., reported that the President will
send the Prime Minister's name to the Sejm, or lower house of
parliament, early this week for ratification.
</p>
<p> Although Mazowiecki's appointment opened a new chapter in
Polish history, the Communists still retained formidable power.
Even before Mazowiecki was tapped by the President, Solidarity
told the Communists they would continue to hold the key Defense
and Interior Ministry--and perhaps the Foreign Ministry--portfolios in any new government, and Walesa assured Moscow that
Poland would remain a member of the Warsaw Pact. The Communists
also retained their monopoly on positions within the bloated
bureaucracy.
</p>
<p> Nonetheless, last week's seismic developments in Poland
reverberated from Moscow to Washington and beyond. The Kremlin
said Jaruzelski's decision was Poland's business, but the
success--or failure--of a government led by a non-Communist
in Warsaw is bound to have an impact on Mikhail Gorbachev's
political reforms in the Soviet Union. The West applauded
carefully, wary that too hearty a response might be considered
meddling that could unbalance the delicate experiment. "We would
encourage a non-Communist government in the process of
pluralism, of course," said presidential spokesman Marlin
Fitzwater. But George Bush "would not want to do anything or say
anything to upset the applecart."
</p>
<p> In the past, said Adrian Hyde-Price of London's Royal
Institute of International Affairs, "the Soviets would have
invaded by now." This time, most Western analysts are convinced,
Moscow will allow Poland to try a pluralistic approach--as
long as the new, Solidarity-led government honors its pledge not
to leave the Warsaw Pact. "As long as Gorbachev is in power,
there will be no direct interference," predicted Hartmut
Jaeckel, a Polish specialist at the Free University of Berlin.
</p>
<p> Above all, the events were a remarkable victory for Walesa
and for Solidarity, only four months ago a banned organization.
The daring and imagination that led to the dramatic developments
came largely from Walesa, who shrewdly seized an opportunity to
precipitate the change in government by wooing away the
Communists' junior parliamentary partners. Walesa then wisely
refrained from seeking the Prime Minister's job himself,
preferring to work behind the scenes and perhaps eventually make
a bid for the presidency.
</p>
<p> The turning point came in June, when Solidarity won an
overwhelming victory in Poland's most open elections in four
decades. The trade-union movement took all 161 seats it was
allowed to contest in the Sejm, and 99 of the 100 seats in the
Senate. Even so, the Communist Party and its allies, principally
the United Peasants' Party and the Democratic Party, retained
299 seats in the 460-member Sejm through a reserved list.
</p>
<p> But just as the Communists misjudged their standing with
the electorate, they misjudged their allies. The United Peasants
and the Democrats, both of which aligned with the Communists
after World War II, began pondering their own future in light
of Solidarity's sweep. Some of their Deputies began arguing for
a break with the regime, to build a political base independent
of the Communists in time for the next elections. On July 19 the
National Assembly elected Jaruzelski as President, but only with
the help of seven senior Solidarity parliamentarians. Eleven
Deputies from the Communist alliance voted against him.
</p>
<p> Six days later, Walesa met with Jaruzelski and propose-d
that Solidarity form a government. The new President said no.
Instead he invited Solidarity to join a grand coalition
government headed by the Communists. Walesa refused. Soon
thereafter Jaruzelski stepped down as Communist Party leader in
favor of Mieczyslaw Rakowski. The President asked Czeslaw
Kiszczak, who has been Interior Minister since 1981, to form a
new government. By Aug. 7, Kiszczak had still been unable to do
so, and Walesa once again called for a Solidarity-led
government. This time he pitched his appeal directly to the
United Peasants and the Democrats.
</p>
<p> By then the public's tolerance for political infighting was
wearing thin. At the same time, a government economic-reform
plan had taken effect, causing food prices to shoot up
dramatically. Solidarity leaders recognized that their movement
would suffer if it stood by while the economy spiraled out of
control.
</p>
<p> The first real crack in the Communist facade appeared early
last week when Kiszczak announced that he was handing over the
task of forming a government to Roman Malinowski, president of
the Peasants' Party. Jaruzelski never asked Malinowski to form
a government; perhaps he calculated that Malinowski would have
been unacceptable to Solidarity because of his association with
the 1981 martial-law crackdown.
</p>
<p> With Kiszczak preparing to bow out, the Solidarity
leadership circulated a statement to Peasants' and Democratic
Deputies calling on them to join in "a government of national
responsibility under the leadership of Lech Walesa." That same
night Solidarity legislators and members of the two junior
partners in the Communist alliance met. Said Walesa: "I want to
help the reform wings of the Peasants' Party and the Democratic
Party to get into government and answer the call of the times."
</p>
<p> Walesa's appeal won the day. The Deputies approved a
resolution calling for a Solidarity-led government under
Walesa's leadership. The new alliance, with a total of 264 seats
in the Sejm, would thus have a majority over the Communists'
173. The next day Walesa, Malinowski and Democratic Party leader
Jerzy Jozwiak called at Warsaw's Belvedere Palace, now the
presidential residence. After Kiszczak presented his resignation
to Jaruzelski, the three party leaders talked with the President
for two hours.
</p>
<p> Solidarity leaders said afterward that Jaruzelski had
accepted "in principle" their offer to form a government. The
coalition proposed three Solidarity candidates: Mazowiecki,
Bronislaw Geremek, the movement's parliamentary leader, and
Jacek Kuron, a senior adviser. It soon became clear that
Mazowiecki was Jaruzelski's choice. Said the Prime
Minister-designate as he rushed from one meeting to another:
"The most difficult task will be to make people think that
(life) can be better--even though it cannot be better
immediately."
</p>
<p> That will be a tall order. Warsaw owes more than $39
billion to the West and 6 billion rubles to Soviet bloc
countries. Interest payments alone amount to $3.5 billion
annually. Inflation is running at more than 150% and will
probably top 200% by year's end. Food supplies are sporadic at
best. This month more strikes, some backed by Solidarity, have
further damaged the economy.
</p>
<p> Although virtually everyone in Poland recognizes the need
for economic reforms, the country lacks the money, and has
failed so far to demonstrate the political will, to make them.
Old factories and unproductive coal mines must be closed,
meaning the loss of thousands of jobs. The Communist-dominated
bureaucracy and army need to be cut back. Most problematical of
all, as Mazowiecki said, living conditions will have to get even
worse if they are ever to get better.
</p>
<p> In Czechoslovakia, East Germany and Rumania, Solidarity's
accession is likely to convince the Old Guard Communist regimes
that any concessions to reform could lead to similar disaster
for the ruling party. In Prague authorities were girding for the
21st anniversary this week of the 1968 Warsaw Pact invasion that
ended the country's brief liberalization--an intervention that
Poland's Sejm last week condemned. Said a Western diplomat in
Budapest last week: "The hard-liners will point to Poland and
say, `That's where you finish up if you let the opposition get
a foot in the door.'" In Hungary, where multiparty elections
are due to be held soon, Geza Jeszenszky, a spokesman for the
opposition Hungarian Democratic Forum, said the success of a
Solidarity-led Polish government would probably "increase the
confidence of the Hungarian voting public."
</p>
<p> Solidarity's failure, however, could easily have the
opposite effect. "Walesa is going to be criticized for certain,"
predicted Czech-born Zuzana Princova of London's Wharton
Econometrics Forecasting Associates, "yet a lot of people have
trust in him and really support him." But if Walesa and
Mazowiecki are to keep Poland on its historic new course, they
will also need outside help--from Washington as well as from
Moscow.
</p>
<p>-- John Borrell/Warsaw
</p>
</body>
</article>
</text>