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- <text id=92TT1501>
- <title>
- July 06, 1992: Russia Could Go the Asiatic Way
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1992
- July 06, 1992 Pills for the Mind
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- ESSAY, Page 80
- Russia Could Go The Asiatic Way
- </hdr><body>
- <p>By David Aikman
- </p>
- <p> "Yes -- we are Scythians! Yes -- we are Asiatics/ With
- slanting and rapacious eyes!"
- </p>
- <p> -- Poet Alexander Blok, January 1918
- </p>
- <p> "Russia has made its final choice in favor of a civilized
- way of life, common sense and universal human heritage."
- </p>
- <p> -- President Boris Yeltsin, June 1992
- </p>
- <p> Is Russia now part of the West, or still something clearly,
- if inexplicably, different? Earlier this month, the answer to
- that question might have seemed self-evident. After all, there
- was Boris Yeltsin, the first freely elected leader of Russia,
- addressing a joint session of Congress and seeming to wed his
- country rhetorically to the great Western traditions of
- democratic freedom. Just two months earlier, former Soviet
- leader Mikhail Gorbachev was laying to rest the cold war at
- Fulton, Mo., the place where Winston Churchill declared it back
- in 1946. That vision must have disturbed many older-generation
- Soviets nurtured on the ideological red meat of East versus
- West, of a Soviet Russia saving the world from its capitalist
- original sin.
- </p>
- <p> Worries about the reliability of Russia's historic course
- change are valid. Huge Russian garrison armies continue to
- intimidate the newly independent states of the former Soviet
- Union seven months after the collapse of the old system. "The
- Russians are acting to keep these former republics in their
- orbit," a frustrated Azerbaijani diplomat complained in
- Washington two weeks ago. To the Moldovans, Latvians (and other
- Balts) and Georgians rattled by these "foreign" troops, it is
- little comfort that the unwelcome visitors are now Russian
- rather than Soviet.
- </p>
- <p> The fears of Russia's neighbors across the spectrum of
- Eurasia have deep historical roots. "Scratch a Russian, and you
- will wound a Tartar," wrote the dry-eyed French 19th century
- observer of Russia, Joseph de Maistre. The Mongol invasion
- (1237-1480) and its aftermath of cruel autocracy had isolated
- Russians totally from Western developments, particularly the
- Renaissance and the Reformation. That long isolation embraced
- every aspect of Russian life. Russia's first modern technology,
- in the 17th century, was all imported from Holland and Germany.
- Russia didn't have even a single university until 1755.
- </p>
- <p> This sense of being both backward and culturally different
- from the West has haunted Russian intellectuals ever since Peter
- the Great (1672-1725) first tried to hector his unwilling
- country into the arms of European culture. During the 19th
- century, Slavophiles argued that the spiritual and communal
- culture based on Orthodoxy was superior to the materialism and
- rationalism of the West. Their opponents, the Westernizers,
- bemoaned Russia's "Asiatic" backwardness. They wanted their
- country to absorb as much of Western economics, politics and
- culture as quickly as possible.
- </p>
- <p> Just before the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, it looked as
- though the Westernizers had decisively won. Russia was by then a
- Western-oriented constitutional monarchy with the
- fastest-growing capitalist economy in Europe. Yet two years
- later, the Bolsheviks were declaring ideological war on Europe.
- </p>
- <p> Whether Russia finally joins the West concerns others
- besides academic historians. A Russia that thinks it is Western
- is more likely to be peaceful, outward looking and moderate on
- the international scene. This is the kind of Russia espoused by
- Boris Yeltsin, who has even wondered aloud if Russia might
- someday join NATO.
- </p>
- <p> Such sentiments may seem "naive." But it was just such a
- pro-Western "naivete" that sent thousands of Muscovites into
- the streets to defend fragile Russian democracy last August
- after Yeltsin climbed atop a tank to face down a coup.
- </p>
- <p> The basis for doubts about Russia's long-term commitment to
- "Westernness" lies not in Yeltsin or his democratic supporters
- but in the ambivalence about the West that still seems endemic
- to many Russians. Admiration has historically been tinged with
- resentment of Western arrogance and conquest in the past
- (Napoleon and Hitler) and with misgivings about the West's
- spiritual values. Freedom, democracy and rampant market
- economics seem palpably Western; but so do political anarchy,
- street crime and the Mafia. Underlying doubts about the
- supposed social advantages of a Western-style way of life are
- shared by a wide audience. In June 1991 virulent Russian
- nationalist candidate Vladimir Zhirinovsky, campaigning for
- cheaper vodka and the restoration of Russia's empire to three
- continents (yes, Alaska too), persuaded 6 million people to vote
- for him.
- </p>
- <p> There are things the U.S. and the West could do to undercut
- anti-Western resentment. The best thing right away would be for
- Congress to pass the Freedom Support act, which will help ease
- Russia's transition to a market economy. Next, Americans should
- keep encouraging Russians, as they emerge from Sovietism, that
- a system of political accountability is better than any
- dictatorship; that private property is always a better hedge
- against poverty than collectivist social engineering; and that
- Russia's struggle to cleanse itself of communism is as
- commendable as Germany's exorcism of Nazism after World War II.
- </p>
- <p> One other thing. Until recently, some Yeltsinophobes at the
- National Security Council continued to gaze upon portraits of
- Gorbachev at work. Maybe it's time to take them down.
- </p>
-
- </body></article>
- </text>
-
-