The Datafile PD-CD 1B/DATAFILE_PDCD1B.iso/_gutenburg/gutenberg/freenet/declarms_t/DECLARMS_T

Text File | 1994-04-01 | 19KB | 340 lines

DECLARATION OF THE CAUSES AND NECESSITY OF TAKING UP ARMS,
                      July 6, 1775

A declaration by the representatives of the united colonies of
North America, now met in Congress at Philadelphia, setting
forth the causes and necessity of their taking up arms.

If it was possible for men, who exercise their reason to
believe, that the divine Author of our existence intended a
part of the human race to hold an absolute property in, and an
unbounded power over others, marked out by his infinite
goodness and wisdom, as the objects of a legal domination never
rightfully resistible, however severe and oppressive, the
inhabitants of these colonies might at least require from the
parliament of Great-Britain some evidence, that this dreadful
authority over them, has been granted to that body.  But a
reverance for our Creator, principles of humanity, and the
dictates of common sense, must convince all those who reflect
upon the subject, that government was instituted to promote
the welfare of mankind, and ought to be administered for the
attainment of that end.  The legislature of Great-Britain,
however, stimulated by an inordinate passion for a power not
only unjustifiable, but which they know to be peculiarly
reprobated by the very constitution of that kingdom, and
desparate of success in any mode of contest, where regard
should be had to truth, law, or right, have at length,
deserting those, attempted to effect their cruel and impolitic
purpose of enslaving these colonies by violence, and have
thereby rendered it necessary for us to close with their last
appeal from reason to arms.  Yet, however blinded that
assembly may be, by their intemperate rage for unlimited
domination, so to sight justice and the opinion of mankind,
we esteem ourselves bound by obligations of respect to the
rest of the world, to make known the justice of our cause.
Our forefathers, inhabitants of the island of Great-Britain,
left their native land, to seek on these shores a residence
for civil and religious freedom.  At the expense of their
blood, at the hazard of their fortunes, without the least
charge to the country from which they removed, by unceasing
labour, and an unconquerable spirit, they effected settlements
in the distant and unhospitable wilds of America, then filled
with numerous and warlike barbarians. -- Societies or
governments, vested with perfect legislatures, were formed
under charters from the crown, and an harmonious intercourse
was established between the colonies and the kingdom from which
they derived their origin.  The mutual benefits of this union
became in a short time so extraordinary, as to excite
astonishment.  It is universally confessed, that the amazing
increase of the wealth, strength, and navigation of the realm,
arose from this source; and the minister, who so wisely and
successfully directed the measures of Great-Britain in the
late war, publicly declared, that these colonies enabled her
to triumph over her enemies. --Towards the conclusion of that
war, it pleased our sovereign to make a change in his counsels.
-- From that fatal movement, the affairs of the British empire
began to fall into confusion, and gradually sliding from the
summit of glorious prosperity, to which they had been advanced
by the virtues and abilities of one man, are at length
distracted by the convulsions, that now shake it to its deepest
foundations. -- The new ministry finding the brave foes of
Britain, though frequently defeated, yet still contending, took
up the unfortunate idea of granting them a hasty peace, and
then subduing her faithful friends.

These colonies were judged to be in such a state, as to present
victories without bloodshed, and all the easy emoluments of
statuteable plunder. -- The uninterrupted tenor of their
peaceable and respectful behaviour from the beginning of
colonization, their dutiful, zealous, and useful services
during the war, though so recently and amply acknowledged in
the most honourable manner by his majesty, by the late king,
and by parliament, could not save them from the meditated
innovations. -- Parliament was influenced to adopt the
pernicious project, and assuming a new power over them, have
in the course of eleven years, given such decisive specimens
of the spirit and consequences attending this power, as to
leave no doubt concerning the effects of acquiescence under
it.  They have undertaken to give and grant our money without
our consent, though we have ever exercised an exclusive right
to dispose of our own property; statutes have been passed for
extending the jurisdiction of courts of admiralty and
vice-admiralty beyond their ancient limits; for depriving us
of the accustomed and inestimable privilege of trial by jury,
in cases affecting both life and property; for suspending the
legislature of one of the colonies; for interdicting all
commerce to the capital of another; and for altering
fundamentally the form of government established by charter,
and secured by acts of its own legislature solemnly confirmed
by the crown; for exempting the "murderers" of colonists from
legal trial, and in effect, from punishment; for erecting in
a neighbouring province, acquired by the joint arms of
Great-Britain and America, a despotism dangerous to our very
existence; and for quartering soldiers upon the colonists in
time of profound peace.  It has also been resolved in
parliament, that colonists charged with committing certain
offences, shall be transported to England to be tried.
But why should we enumerate our injuries in detail?  By one
statute it is declared, that parliament can "of right make laws
to bind us in all cases whatsoever."  What is to defend us
against so enormous, so unlimited a power?  Not a single man of
those who assume it, is chosen by us; or is subject to our
control or influence; but, on the contrary, they are all of them
exempt from the operation of such laws, and an American revenue,
if not diverted from the ostensible purposes for which it is
raised, would actually lighten their own burdens in proportion,
as they increase ours.  We saw the misery to which such despotism
would reduce us.  We for ten years incessantly and ineffectually
besieged the throne as supplicants; we reasoned, we remonstrated
with parliament, in the most mild and decent language.

Administration sensible that we should regard these oppressive
measures as freemen ought to do, sent over fleets and armies to
enforce them.  The indignation of the Americans was roused, it is
true; but it was the indignation of a virtuous, loyal, and
affectionate people.  A Congress of delegates from the United
Colonies was assembled at Philadelphia, on the fifth day of last
September.  We resolved again to offer an humble and dutiful
petition to the King, and also addressed our fellow-subjects of
Great-Britain.  We have pursued every temperate, every respectful
measure; we have even proceeded to break off our commercial
intercourse with our fellow-subjects, as the last peaceable
admonition, that our attachment to no nation upon earth should
supplant our attachment to liberty. -- This, we flattered
ourselves, was the ultimate step of the controversy: but
subsequent events have shewn, how vain was this hope of finding
moderation in our enemies.

Several threatening expressions against the colonies were
inserted in his majesty's speech; our petition, tho' we were
told it was a decent one, and that his majesty had been pleased
to receive it graciously, and to promise laying it before his
parliament, was huddled into both houses among a bundle of
American papers, and there neglected.  The lords and commons in
their address, in the month of February, said, that "a rebellion
at that time actually existed within the province of Massachusetts-
Bay; and that those concerned with it, had been countenanced and
encouraged by unlawful combinations and engagements, entered into
by his majesty