Hacker Chronicles 2/HACKER2.BIN/870.DEC-ARMS.TXT

Text File | 1994-02-11 | 22KB | 327 lines

        DECLARATION OF THE CAUSES AND NECESSITY OF TAKING UP ARMS,
                              July 6, 1775

        A declaration by the  representatives of the united  colonies of
        North  America,  now  met  in  Congress at Philadelphia, setting
        forth the causes and necessity of their taking up arms.

        If it  was possible  for men,  who exercise  their reason to be-
        lieve, that the divine Author  of our existence intended a  part
        of the human race  to hold an absolute  property in, and an  un-
        bounded power over others,  marked out by his  infinite goodness
        and wisdom, as  the objects of  a legal domination  never right-
        fully resistible, however severe and oppressive, the inhabitants
        of these colonies might at least require from the parliament  of
        Great-Britain some evidence,  that this dreadful  authority over
        them, has been granted  to that body.   But a reverance for  our
        Creator,  principles  of  humanity,  and  the dictates of common
        sense, must  convince all  those who  reflect upon  the subject,
        that government was  instituted to promote  the welfare of  man-
        kind, and ought  to be administered  for the attainment  of that
        end.  The legislature  of Great-Britain, however, stimulated  by
        an inordinate passion  for a power  not only unjustifiable,  but
        which they know to be peculiarly reprobated by the very  consti-
        tution of that kingdom, and desparate of success in any mode  of
        contest, where  regard should  be had  to truth,  law, or right,
        have at length, deserting those, attempted to effect their cruel
        and impolitic purpose of  enslaving these colonies by  violence,
        and have  thereby rendered  it necessary  for us  to close  with
        their last  appeal from  reason to  arms.   Yet, however blinded
        that assembly may  be, by their  intemperate rage for  unlimited
        domination, so to sight justice  and the opinion of mankind,  we
        esteem ourselves bound by obligations of respect to the rest  of
        the world,  to make  known the  justice of  our cause. Our fore-
        fathers, inhabitants of the island of Great-Britain, left  their
        native land, to seek on  these shores a residence for  civil and
        religious freedom.  At the expense of their blood, at the hazard
        of their fortunes, without the least charge to the country  from
        which they  removed, by  unceasing labour,  and an unconquerable
        spirit, they  effected settlements  in the  distant and unhospi-
        table wilds of  America, then filled  with numerous and  warlike
        barbarians.  --  Societies  or  governments, vested with perfect
        legislatures, were formed under charters from the crown, and  an
        harmonious intercourse was established between the colonies  and
        the kingdom from  which they derived  their origin.   The mutual
        benefits of this union became in a short time so  extraordinary,
        as to excite  astonishment.  It  is universally confessed,  that
        the amazing increase of the wealth, strength, and navigation  of
        the realm,  arose from  this source;  and the  minister, who  so
        wisely and successfully  directed the measures  of Great-Britain
        in the late war, publicly declared, that these colonies  enabled
        her to triumph  over her enemies.  -- Towards the  conclusion of
        that  war,  it  pleased  our  sovereign  to make a change in his
        counsels.  --  From  that  fatal  movement,  the  affairs of the
        British  empire  began  to  fall  into  confusion, and gradually
        sliding from the  summit of glorious  prosperity, to which  they
        had been advanced by the  virtues and abilities of one  man, are
        at length distracted  by the convulsions,  that now shake  it to
        its deepest foundations. --  The new ministry finding  the brave
        foes of Britain, though frequently defeated, yet still  contend-
        ing,  took  up  the  unfortunate  idea  of granting them a hasty
        peace, and then subduing her faithful friends.

        These colonies were judged to be in such a state, as to  present
        victories  without  bloodshed,  and  all  the easy emoluments of
        statuteable plunder. -- The uninterrupted tenor of their  peace-
        able and  respectful behaviour  from the  beginning of coloniza-
        tion, their  dutiful, zealous,  and useful  services during  the
        war,  though  so  recently  and  amply  acknowledged in the most
        honourable  manner  by  his  majesty,  by  the late king, and by
        parliament, could not save them from the meditated  innovations.
        -- Parliament  was influenced  to adopt  the pernicious project,
        and assuming a new power over them, have in the course of eleven
        years, given such  decisive specimens of  the spirit and  conse-
        quences attending this  power, as to  leave no doubt  concerning
        the effects of acquiescence under  it.  They have undertaken  to
        give and  grant our  money without  our consent,  though we have
        ever exercised an  exclusive right to  dispose of our  own prop-
        erty; statutes have been  passed for extending the  jurisdiction
        of courts of admiralty  and vice-admiralty beyond their  ancient
        limits;  for  depriving  us  of  the  accustomed and inestimable
        privilege of  trial by  jury, in  cases affecting  both life and
        property; for suspending the legislature of one of the colonies;
        for interdicting all commerce to the capital of another; and for
        altering  fundamentally  the  form  of government established by
        charter, and  secured by  acts of  its own  legislature solemnly
        confirmed by the crown;  for exempting the "murderers"  of colo-
        nists  from  legal  trial,  and  in effect, from punishment; for
        erecting in a neighbouring province, acquired by the joint  arms
        of Great-Britain and America, a despotism dangerous to our  very
        existence; and  for quartering  soldiers upon  the colonists  in
        time of profound  peace.  It  has also been  resolved in parlia-
        ment, that colonists  charged with committing  certain offences,
        shall be transported to England to be tried.  But why should  we
        enumerate our  injuries in  detail?   By one  statute it  is de-
        clared, that parliament  can "of right  make laws to  bind us in
        all cases whatsoever."   What is to  defend us against  so enor-
        mous, so  unlimited a  power?   Not a  single man  of those  who
        assume it,  is chosen  by us;  or is  subject to  our control or
        influence; but,  on the  contrary, they  are all  of them exempt
        from the operation of such laws, and an American revenue, if not
        diverted from the  ostensible purposes for  which it is  raised,
        would actually lighten their own burdens in proportion, as  they
        increase ours.  We saw the misery to which such despotism  would
        reduce us.  We for  ten years incessantly and ineffectually  be-
        sieged the throne as  supplicants; we reasoned, we  remonstrated
        with parliament, in the most mild and decent language.

        Administration sensible that  we should regard  these oppressive
        measures as freemen ought to do, sent over fleets and armies  to
        enforce them.  The indignation  of the Americans was roused,  it
        is true; but  it was the  indignation of a  virtuous, loyal, and
        affectionate people.   A Congress of  delegates from the  United
        Colonies was assembled at Philadelphia, on the fifth day of last
        September.   We resolved  again to  offer an  humble and dutiful
        petition to the King, and also addressed our fellow-subjects  of
        Great-Britain.  We have pursued every temperate, every  respect-
        ful measure; we have even proceeded to break off our  commercial
        intercourse  with  our  fellow-subjects,  as  the last peaceable
        admonition, that our attachment  to no nation upon  earth should
        supplant our attachment to  liberty. -- This, we  flattered our-
        selves, was the  ultimate step of  the controversy:   but subse-
        quent  events  have  shewn,  how  vain  was this hope of finding
        moderation in our enemies.

        Several  threatening  expressions  against  the  colonies   were
        inserted in  his majesty's  speech; our  petition, tho'  we were
        told it was a decent one, and that his majesty had been  pleased
        to receive it  graciously, and to  promise laying it  before his
        parliament,  was  huddled  into  both  houses  among a bundle of
        American papers, and there neglected.  The lords and commons  in
        their address, in the month of February, said, that "a rebellion
        at that time actually existed within the province of  Massachus-
        etts- Bay; and that those  concerned with it, had been  counten-
        anced and encouraged  by unlawful combinations  and engagements,
        entered into by his majesty's  subjects in several of the  other
        colonies; and therefore they besought his majesty, that he would
        take the most effectual measures to inforce due obediance to the
        laws and authority of the supreme legislature.  " -- Soon after,
        the commercial intercourse of whole colonies, with foreign coun-
        tries, and with each other, was cut off by an act of parliament;
        by another  several of  them were  intirely prohibited  from the
        fisheries in the  seas near their  coasts, on which  they always
        depended for their sustenance; and large reinforcements of ships
        and troops were immediately sent over to general Gage.

        Fruitless were all the  entreaties, arguments, and eloquence  of
        an illustrious band of the most distinguished peers, and common-
        ers,  who  nobly  and  strenuously  asserted  the justice of our
        cause, to stay, or even to mitigate the heedless fury with which
        these accumulated and unexampled  outrages were hurried on.   --
        equally fruitless was the interference of the city of London, of
        Bristol, and many other respectable towns in our favor.  Parlia-
        ment adopted an insidious manoeuvre calculated to divide us,  to
        establish a perpetual auction  of taxations where colony  should
        bid against  colony, all  of them  uninformed what  ransom would
        redeem their lives; and thus to extort from us, at the point  of
        the bayonet, the unknown sums that should be sufficient to grat-
        ify, if possible to gratify, ministerial rapacity, with the mis-
        erable indulgence left  to us of  raising, in our  own mode, the
        prescribed tribute.  What terms more rigid and humiliating could
        have been dictated by remorseless victors to conquered  enemies?
        in our circumstances to accept them, would be to deserve them.

        Soon after the intelligence of these proceedings arrived on this
        continent, general Gage, who in the course of the last year  had
        taken  possession  of  the  town  of  Boston, in the province of
        Massachusetts-Bay,  and  still  occupied  it  a garrison, on the
        19th day of April, sent  out from that place a  large detachment
        of his army, who made  an unprovoked assault on the  inhabitants
        of the said  province, at the  town of Lexington,  as appears by
        the affidavits of a great  number of persons, some of  whom were
        officers and soldiers of that detachment, murdered eight of  the
        inhabitants, and wounded  many others.   From thence the  troops
        proceeded in warlike  array to the  town of Concord,  where they
        set upon another party of the inhabitants of the same  province,
        killing several and wounding more, until compelled to retreat by
        the  country  people  suddenly  assembled  to  repel  this cruel
        aggression.  Hostilities, thus commenced by the British  troops,
        have been since  prosecuted by them  without regard to  faith or
        reputation. -- The inhabitants  of Boston being confined  within
        that town by the general their governor, and having, in order to
        procure their dismission, entered into a treaty with him, it was
        stipulated that the said inhabitants having deposited their arms
        with their own magistrate, should have liberty to depart, taking
        with them their  other effects.   They accordingly delivered  up
        their arms, but in open violation of honour, in defiance of  the
        obligation of treaties, which  even savage nations esteemed  sa-
        cred, the governor ordered the arms deposited as aforesaid, that
        they might be preserved for their owners, to be seized by a body
        of soldiers; detained  the greatest part  of the inhabitants  in
        the town, and compelled the few who were permitted to retire, to
        leave their most valuable effects behind.

        By this perfidy wives are separated from their husbands,  child-
        ren from their parents, the  aged and the sick from  their rela-
        tions and  friends, who  wish to  attend and  comfort them;  and
        those who have  been used to  live in plenty  and even elegance,
        are reduced to deplorable distress.

        The general,  further emulating  his ministerial  masters, by  a
        proclamation bearing date on the 12th day of June, after venting
        the grossest falsehoods and calumnies against the good people of
        these colonies, proceeds to   "declare them all, either by  name
        or  description,  to  be  rebels  and traitors, to supercede the
        course of  the common  law, and  instead thereof  to publish and
        order the use  and exercise of  the law martial."  -- His troops
        have butchered our countrymen, have wantonly burnt  Charlestown,
        besides a  considerable number  of houses  in other  places; our
        ships and vessels are seized; the necessary supplies of  provis-
        ions are  intercepted, and  he is  exerting his  utmost power to
        spread destruction and devastation around him.

        We have rceived certain intelligence, that general Carleton, the
        governor of Canada, is  instigating the people of  that province
        and the Indians to fall upon us; and we have but too much reason
        to apprehend, that schemes  have been formed to  excite domestic
        enemies against  us.   In brief,  a part  of these  colonies now
        feel, and all of them are sure of feeling, as far as the  venge-
        ance of administration can inflict them, the complicated calami-
        ties of fire, sword and famine.   [1] We are reduced to the  al-
        ternative of chusing an unconditional submission to the  tyranny
        of irritated ministers, or resistance by force. -- The latter is
        our choice.  -- We  have counted  the cost  of this contest, and
        find nothing so dreadful  as voluntary slavery. --  Honour, jus-
        tice, and humanity, forbid  us tamely to surrender  that freedom
        which we received from our gallant ancestors, and which our  in-
        nocent posterity  have a  right to  receive from  us.  We cannot
        endure the infamy and guilt of resigning succeeding  generations
        to that wretchedness which inevitably awaits them, if we  basely
        entail hereditary bondage upon them.

        Our cause  is just.   Our union  is perfect.   Our internal  re-
        sources  are  great,  and,  if  necessary, foreign assistance is
        undoubtedly attainable. -- We gratefully acknowledge, as  signal
        instances of the Divine  favour towards us, that  his Providence
        would not permit us to  be called into this severe  controversy,
        until we were  grown up to  our present strength,  had been pre-
        viously exercised  in warlike  operation, and  possessed of  the
        means of defending ourselves.  With hearts fortified with  these
        animating  reflections,  we  most  solemnly,  before God and the
        world,  declare,  that,  exerting  the  utmost  energy  of those
        powers, which  our beneficent  Creator hath  graciously bestowed
        upon  us,  the  arms  we  have  been compelled by our enemies to
        assume, we  will, in  defiance of  every hazard,  with unabating
        firmness and  perseverence, employ  for the  preservation of our
        liberties; being with  one mind resolved  to die freemen  rather
        than to live slaves.

        Lest this declaration should  disquiet the minds of  our friends
        and fellow-subjects in  any part of  the empire, we  assure them
        that we mean not to dissolve that union which has so long and so
        happily subsisted between us, and which we sincerely wish to see
        restored. -- Necessity has not yet driven us into that desperate
        measure, or induced us to excite any other nation to war against
        them. --  We have  not raised  armies with  ambitious designs of
        separating  from  Great-Britain,  and  establishing  independent
        states.  We fight not for glory or for conquest.  We exhibit  to
        mankind the remarkable spectacle of a people attacked by  unpro-
        voked enemies, without any  imputation or even suspicion  of of-
        fence.  They boast of their privileges and civilization, and yet
        proffer no milder conditions than servitude or death.

        In our own native  land, in defence of  the freedom that is  our
        birthright, and which we ever enjoyed till the late violation of
        it -- for the protection of our property, acquired solely by the
        honest industry of our fore-fathers and ourselves, against  vio-
        lence actually  offered, we  have taken  up arms.   We shall lay
        them down when  hostilities shall cease  on the part  of the ag-
        gressors, and  all danger  of their  being renewed  shall be re-
        moved, and not before.

        With an  humble confidence  in the  mercies of  the supreme  and
        impartial  Judge  and  Ruler  of  the Universe, we most devoutly
        implore his divine goodness  to protect us happily  through this
        great conflict, to dispose our adversaries to reconciliation  on
        reasonable terms,  and thereby  to relieve  the empire  from the
        calamities of civil war.

        Notes: [1]  From this  point onwards  thought to  be the work of
        Jefferson. [2] Journal of Congress, edited 1800, I, pp 134-139

        BACKGROUND:

        The  Second  Continental  Congress  was  remarkable  for several
        things, not the least  of which was selecting  George Washington
        as the Commander In Chief of the Continental Army being  created
        to fight the British Army assembled at Boston.  You will  recall
        that the "Boston Massacre" and events at Lexington, Concord, and
        Breeds Hill (next to Bunker  Hill) had only recently stirred  up
        the fighting in  the northeastern colonies.   Once the  business
        of creating an army was  taken care of, it was  deemed necessary
        to inform the  world of the  reasons why the  colonies had taken
        up arms.  The first  attempt at drafting such a  declaration was
        by Thomas Jefferson, but was  ruled far too militant.   A second
        attempt was made  by Colonel John  Dickinson, known for  earlier
        pamphlets in which  he called himself  "The Farmer".   The final
        result was apparently a combination of both writers.

        Strange that  Dickinson should  create such  a document;  he was
        under considerable pressure from both his wife and mother,  both
        Tory sympathizers, and  he was no  great fan of  the New England
        representatives to the Congress.  An incident related in _A  New
        Age Now  Begins_, written  by Page  Smith, marks  him as an even
        more unlikely choice for the writer of such a declaration:

          "Dickinson once more had his way when Congress approved  still
           another petition to the  king.  Dickinson was  delighted when
           it passed and rose to  express his pleasure.  There  was only
           one word to which he objected since it might possibly  offend
           His Majesty,  and that  was the  word 'Congress'.   Whereupon
           Benjamin Harrison  of Virginia  promptly rose  and, inclining
           his head to John Hancock, declared, 'There is but one word in
           the paper, Mr.   President, of which  I approve, and  that is
           the word "Congress"."

        In any case,  above is the  complete text of  that document pub-
        lished almost exactly a year before the Declaration of  Indepen-
        dence.

                     ------------------------------------