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<text id=94TT0316>
<title>
Mar. 21, 1994: Farewell My Trade Status?
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1994
Mar. 21, 1994 Hard Times For Hillary
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
CHINA, Page 47
Farewell My Trade Status?
</hdr>
<body>
<p>In a dispute over human rights, Beijing tells Washington to
mind its own business
</p>
<p>By Bruce W. Nelan--Reported by Sandra Burton/Hong Kong, Jaime A. FlorCruz/Beijing,
and Ann M. Simmons with Christopher
</p>
<p> "History has already proven that it is futile to apply pressure
against China." Though the words evoked the decrees issued by
once proud dynasties that long ago turned to dust, they had
a particular bite last Saturday as intoned in Beijing by Premier
Li Peng. "China will never accept U.S.-style human rights,"
he said after an afternoon of chilly talks with U.S. Secretary
of State Warren Christopher. But what if Washington revokes
China's most-favored-nation trade status? What if America restrains
trade? The Chinese leader sniffed, "China can live without it."
He noted that the Chinese expect to import $1 trillion worth
of goods annually by the year 2000. If America wants to opt
out, he said, "the U.S. will suffer no less than China."
</p>
<p> The Chinese have always bristled at Washington's threat of revoking
MFN, but last week Beijing insisted more emphatically than before
that it did not care if the U.S. used trade as a weapon. Beijing
contended that the entire human-rights argument was an unjust
cultural ploy to put China on the defensive. Said a spokesman
for the Chinese Foreign Ministry: "The Chinese government cares
deeply about human rights. There are no saviors on the question
of human rights. The Chinese people will save themselves." The
Americans disagreed. "It's not a matter of talking about American
values or Chinese values," said Winston Lord, Assistant Secretary
of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs. "We're not telling
China to be like America. We're talking about universal rights.
And arbitrary arrests or torture. It's got nothing to do with
normality. There are universal rights in the U.N. charter."
</p>
<p> Human rights are not an abstract notion to Wang Dan. He risked
death when he stood up for them in Tiananmen Square in 1989
and then spent 43 months in prison for his leadership role in
the pro-democracy movement. Undaunted and unrepentant, the student
activist was released last year. Two weeks ago, the police were
back: they picked him up, questioned him for 24 hours and told
him to get out of Beijing. Wang ignored them, and last week
he was hauled in again. Police warned him that his political
activities were antisocialist and illegal.
</p>
<p> Wang responded by publishing an open letter to the National
People's Congress, the parliament that assembled last week for
its annual two-week session. He assured the NPC that "a democracy
movement is not a movement to overthrow the government," and
he called on parliamentarians to debate "the protection of individual
political rights and innate human rights." Wang says he will
begin investigating rights abuses, and is prepared "even to
be arrested and sentenced."
</p>
<p> That could easily happen now that Beijing is in the midst of
a pre-emptive crackdown on anyone who it deems is out to embarrass
China. It is almost routine for security police to take leading
activists out of circulation when high-visibility political
events are scheduled, and last week there were two of them:
the opening of the NPC and Christopher's arrival. During the
Secretary of State's visit, the Chinese posted uniformed and
plainclothes police around the homes of dissidents and their
sympathizers.
</p>
<p> The current crackdown, however, displays more than the usual
steely vigilance. Authorities swept up at least 16 well-known
dissidents over the past two weeks. Hundreds of others are under
close surveillance. Beijing is reacting to the first stirrings
of a revived democracy movement. Not only are dissidents seeking
public attention during a period in which the U.S. is demanding
that China improve its human-rights record and Deng Xiaoping,
China's senior leader, is fading, but the hard-line government
fears a newfound boldness among the activists. The men in power
detect signs that their real nightmare--an alliance of workers
and intellectuals along the lines of Poland's Solidarity that
could bring together a popular force mighty enough to topple
them--may be taking shape. After all, the increasing number
of workers who supported the students in Tiananmen played an
important role in Beijing's decision to send in the tanks.
</p>
<p> Last week petitions circulated in many parts of the country
urging the creation of worker and peasant unions and demanding
the right to strike. Dissidents also distributed a draft charter
for a League for the Protection of the Rights of the Working
People of China. Liu Nianchun, a labor activist, defiantly applied
for formal registration of the unofficial league, claiming 120
founding members. At least one of them, Yuan Hongbing, was arrested.
These organizing efforts are still small, but they worry the
Chinese leadership because they could ignite major unrest, especially
among urban workers. Inflation is running at 23% in the big
cities, and the economic reforms that will privatize huge state-owned
industries will add to the unemployment rolls. The last thing
China's leaders want to face is a newly militant labor movement,
even if it is interested primarily in job security.
</p>
<p> No doubt the Chinese would have preferred not to move against
rights campaigners on the eve of Christopher's visit, but they
went ahead anyway. The Secretary of State arrived in Beijing
Friday night with an unequivocal message: China must improve
its human-rights record or lose the low-tariff benefits of most-favored-nation
trading status. President Bill Clinton had vowed that he would
not renew MFN--a boon that allowed China to roll up a $23
billion trade surplus with the U.S. last year--if Beijing
did not demonstrate tangible improvement by June, when the decision
on extending MFN comes due. Nor did roundups like those of last
week help China's fading prospects for support in Congress.
Beijing's bosses obviously place a higher priority on maintaining
the country's stability--by which they mean doing whatever
it takes to hold on to political power.
</p>
<p> When Premier Li Peng opened the parliamentary session last week,
he told the 2,800 delegates that balanced economic development
was the government's top priority and said that "social stability
is an indispensable prerequisite for economic development."
He conceded that a "dialogue" with other countries on human
rights was possible "on the basis of mutual equality" but warned
that China "will never allow anyone to interfere in its internal
affairs under any pretext."
</p>
<p> Christopher spoke out more sharply than usual on the dissident
arrests. "It would be hard to overstate the strong distaste
we all feel over the recent detentions and hostile measures
taken by the Chinese," he said. The moves would certainly "have
a negative effect on my trip to China." A Foreign Ministry statement
responded that the government had full authority to take in
ex-convicts for questioning and that no foreigners have "the
right to make irresponsible remarks or interfere."
</p>
<p> Chinese authorities insisted that relations between Washington
and Beijing were on the mend until Assistant Secretary of State
John Shattuck met with dissident Wei Jingsheng two weeks ago.
Last week Christopher was unapologetic. "We cannot accept any
restrictions on meetings between our diplomats and officials
and Chinese citizens who are not accused of crimes," he said
through a spokesman. "We cannot accept punishment and intimidation
of those Chinese who choose to meet with us."
</p>
<p> Washington was mildly encouraged two months ago when President
Jiang Zemin told a visiting U.S. congressional delegation that
China would "make an effort" to deal with American concerns
on human rights. But, as the monitors of Asia Watch reported
last month, "political repression is increasing, not decreasing,
and it extends to virtually every province in China." Unofficial
political and religious activity is illegal, and thousands are
in prison for vaguely defined "counterrevolutionary" crimes
like subverting the government or splitting the motherland.
Detainees are held in prolonged isolation, and many are mistreated
or tortured to force confessions.
</p>
<p> Some Western analysts believed that Beijing would come down
hard on the resurgent activists only to relent by the June deadline
to demonstrate enough improvement to merit renewal of MFN. Or,
the experts said, the tough old communists expect Clinton to
back down and compromise. Either way, they are making it extremely
difficult for themselves to meet the U.S. demand for "overall
significant progress." Last week they were not even trying.
</p>
</body>
</article>
</text>