home
***
CD-ROM
|
disk
|
FTP
|
other
***
search
/
TIME: Almanac 1990s
/
Time_Almanac_1990s_SoftKey_1994.iso
/
time
/
032690
/
03260010.000
< prev
next >
Wrap
Text File
|
1994-03-25
|
6KB
|
122 lines
<text id=90TT0728>
<title>
Mar. 26, 1990: Israel:The Government Takes A Fall
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1990
Mar. 26, 1990 The Germans
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
WORLD, Page 28
ISRAEL
The Government Takes a Fall
</hdr>
<body>
<p>As the parties start to haggle, cobbling together a new one
could delay the peace process for months
</p>
<p>By Jon D. Hull/Jerusalem
</p>
<p> His rivals consider Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir a wily
political escape artist. By exhausting opponents with delaying
tactics and evading crucial decisions, the Likud party leader
has managed to stick to his hard-line ideology while feigning
compromise, burying in procedural minutiae every proposal for
Arab-Israeli peace that has come his way.
</p>
<p> Last week the master of delay found himself cornered,
however. Forced to choose between accepting U.S. Secretary of
State James Baker's compromise plan for Israeli-Palestinian
peace talks in Cairo and risking the collapse of his national
unity government, Shamir stuck to his ideology. After a
dramatic showdown on the floor of the Knesset, he became the
first Israeli leader ever to be evicted from office when Labor
Party leader Shimon Peres pushed through a vote of no
confidence by a margin of 60 to 55.
</p>
<p> The collapse of the national unity government was
appropriately ignominious. Ever since its formation 15 months
ago, the coalition of Likud and Labor has functioned as
something of a joke, breeding acrimony and indecision. Its
foreign policy has been contradictory. Peres proposed swapping
land for peace; Shamir insisted on both peace and territory.
Says Dore Gold of the Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies in Tel
Aviv: "Imagine Richard Nixon and George McGovern in the same
Cabinet trying to negotiate the Paris peace talks [with Viet
Nam]."
</p>
<p> Ironically, Shamir's fall was prompted by his own peace
initiative, which he launched last spring under heavy pressure
to negotiate an end to the intifadeh. The plan called for
elections among the 1.7 million Arabs in the West Bank and Gaza
to choose representatives who would then negotiate a period of
limited autonomy with Israel. To get the elections off the
ground, Baker proposed a formula under which Egypt, Israel and
the U.S. would select Palestinian delegates for preliminary
talks.
</p>
<p> Likud consistently stalled negotiations over the identity
of the Palestinian interlocutors it would find acceptable,
rejecting anyone even remotely connected with the P.L.O. To
lure the Palestinians to the table, Baker demanded that Israel
agree to accept at least one Palestinian deported from the
territories as well as a resident of the West Bank with an
office or second home in East Jerusalem. These finely honed
definitions were acceptable to Labor, but Likud hard-liners
turned them down as an attempt to maneuver Israel into direct
talks with the P.L.O.
</p>
<p> In a last-ditch effort to budge Shamir, Washington embarked
on a high-profile game, threatening Jerusalem with both
diplomatic and financial pressure. When President Bush
condemned the settling of Jews in Israeli-annexed East
Jerusalem--a long-standing if rarely stated U.S. policy--Shamir pounced. "Voices in Washington have outraged every Jew,"
he said. "We have no obligation to blindly follow every move
the U.S. makes." The Bush Administration resented Shamir's
efforts to shift the blame for his downfall. "This business that
the President is precipitating this is nonsense," said a
senior official in Washington.
</p>
<p> In the end, Shamir's campaign backfired, and the eight-hour
Knesset debate reflected the deep divisions within the Israeli
electorate. Peres accused Shamir of "murdering the peace
process" and asked, "Who will believe you again in this
country? You have broken every promise." Shamir lambasted Peres
for "shameful" appeasement of the Arabs, retorting, "We are not
afraid of peace, we are afraid of irresponsible concessions."
</p>
<p> When the votes were tallied, Shamir sank his head into his
hands, perhaps to blot out the triumphant smile on Peres' face.
President Chaim Herzog is now expected to give Peres the first
shot at forming a new coalition, a process that could take
weeks--and that typically brings out the worst in Israeli
politics. Since Labor has only 39 seats in the Knesset, against
Likud's 40, Peres must bargain for the support of the smaller
parties, ranging from Arab communists to Orthodox rabbis. The
balance of power is held by the fickle religious parties, which
control 18 seats and see nothing wrong with bartering their
support for more money for yeshivas and military deferments for
religious students.
</p>
<p> If Peres succeeds, his government is expected to give a
short-term boost to the peace process by swiftly approving
Baker's plan. But when it comes time to deal, his narrow
coalition is likely to face intense opposition from a newly
unified right-wing. Should Peres fail to form a government,
Shamir will try to cobble together his own majority. If he
succeeds, the path to peace will be thoroughly mined by a
Cabinet laden with extremists. Should both leaders be
unsuccessful and Israelis have to return to the polls, another
parliamentary deadlock is expected. The fourth option, which
has already been suggested by former Defense Minister Yitzhak
Rabin, a Laborite, may prove the least desirable: the formation
of yet another government of national unity.
</p>
</body>
</article>
</text>