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<text id=93TT1851>
<title>
June 07, 1993: Living Out the Wars of 1968
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1993
Jun. 07, 1993 The Incredible Shrinking President
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
ESSAY, Page 74
Living Out the Wars of 1968
</hdr>
<body>
<p>Barbara Ehrenreich
</p>
<p> It was the best of times or, depending on your political and
philosophical outlook, one of the foulest and most depraved.
Rebellion seemed to be leaping from city to city, continent
to continent, by some fiery process of contagion. Vietnam unleashed
the Tet offensive; France shook with the revolutionary "events
of May"; radical students filled the streets of Mexico City,
Berlin, Tokyo, Beijing, Prague. In the U.S., Chicago swirled
into near anarchy as cops battled antiwar demonstrators gathered
at the Democratic Convention. And everywhere from Amsterdam
to Haight-Ashbury, a generation was getting high, making love,
acting up.
</p>
<p> So, clearly, it was the year from hell--a collective "dive
into extensive social and personal dysfunction," as the Wall
Street Journal editorialized recently. Or, depending again on
your outlook, a global breakthrough for the human spirit. On
this, the 25th anniversary of 1968, probably the only thing
we can all agree on is that '68 marks the beginning of the "culture
wars," which have divided America ever since.
</p>
<p> It wasn't only a left-right thing. '68 reconfigured all the
categories and tore up the political maps that had worked, more
or less, since the time of the French Revolution. Yes, the social
movements that climaxed in '68 were a "New Left," but only in
the sense that, say, Rosemary's Baby (1968) was just a new member
of the family. Old leftists--communists and socialists--responded to it, more often than not, with revulsion. In France
the Communist Party did its best to isolate the young enragees.
In China senior party hacks shuddered before a Cultural Revolution
whose slogan was "Attack the Party headquarters!" In communist
East Germany the Stasi agreed with its Western counterparts
that student leader Rudi Dutschke was a "dangerous subversive."
</p>
<p> For the old, pre-'68 left, the goal was socialism, meaning a
new, more rational system of authority. The mad vagaries of
the market would be replaced by the sober deliberations of experts;
dedicated, responsible cadres would take over from the CEOs.
But if there was one theme that united the New Leftists of the
world it was a hatred of authority in any form, no matter how
well-meaning. French radicals demanded "All power to the imagination!"
Americans in the civil rights movement envisioned--not socialism--but a huge, messy, effervescent process of participatory
democracy, from the bottom up. "Power to the people" was to
be power subtracted from smug men behind desks--including,
among others, Marxist professors.
</p>
<p> Grown-up leftists responded by denouncing young radicals as
"spoiled children," anarchists, even "orangutans." Horrified
by the student take-over of Columbia University in the spring,
one band of intellectuals moved en masse to the political right--where they made their mark as "neoconservatives."
</p>
<p> But the other side of '68 was a radical remolding of the American
right. The "old right" stood for anti-communism and economic
conservatism and had a strong anti-authoritarian streak of its
own, as personified, for example, by novelist-philosopher Ayn
Rand. But in response to the anti-authoritarianism of the young
radicals, the right suddenly restyled itself as the defender
of authority in all its manifestations--legal, familial, religious
and military. "Traditional values" made their first tentative
debut in the '68 Republican campaign, when Spiro Agnew promised
to cure social unrest with a mass spanking. It was in '68 that
a "New Right"--toughened with the grass-roots racism of George
Wallace, fortified intellectually by the neoconservatives--emerged to uphold the traditional icons of God, family and flag.
</p>
<p> Thus both sides of the "culture wars" of the '80s and '90s took
form in the pivotal year of '68. The key issues are different
now--abortion and gay rights, for example, as opposed to Vietnam
and racism--but the underlying themes still echo the clashes
of '68: Diversity vs. conformity, tradition vs. iconoclasm,
self-expression vs. deference to norms. "Question authority,"
in other words, vs. "Father knows best."
</p>
<p> The 25th anniversary of '68 is a good time to reflect, calmly
and philosophically, on these deep, underlying choices. On one
hand we know that anti-authoritarianism for its own sake easily
degenerates into a rude and unfocused defiance: Revolution,
as Abbie Hoffman put it, "for the hell of it." Certainly '68
had its wretched excesses as well as its moments of glory: the
personal tragedy of lives undone by drugs and sex, the heavy
cost of riots and destruction. One might easily conclude that
the ancient rules and hierarchies are there for a reason--they've worked, more or less, for untold millenniums, so there's
no point in changing them now.
</p>
<p> But it's also true that what "worked" for thousands of years
may not be the best way of doing things. Democracy, after all,
was once a far-out, subversive notion, condemned by kings and
priests. In our own country, it took all kinds of hell-raising,
including a war, to get across the simple notion that no person
is morally entitled to own another. One generation's hallowed
tradition--slavery, or the divine right of kings--may be
another generation's object lesson in human folly.
</p>
<p> '68 was one more awkward, stumbling, half-step forward in what
Dutschke called the "long march" toward human freedom. It helped
inspire the worldwide feminist movement and the resistance to
communist authoritarianism that climaxed in the vast, peaceful
revolutions of '89. For these reasons alone, the rebellions
of '68 deserve at least one brief, nonpartisan cheer: Hats off
to '68 and--depending on your personal and political preference--also shoes, shirts, ties, bras, plus blindfolds and manacles
of any kind!
</p>
</body>
</article>
</text>